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Government Printing Office] S. Nance, Staff Director Edwin K. John R. David J.

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Prostitutee conflicts dominate the landscape of armed struggle, and impunity too often shields the perpetrators of the most heinous crimes against their own people and others.

Chairman, is nonsense in short. Even more disturbing is the possibility that the Court would assert jurisdiction over American soldiers, despite the American refusal to the Court. Senator Ashcroft?

Chairman, for conducting this hearing so quickly after the vote in Rome last week. At the very least, we will have to renegotiate our status of force arrangements. Even more fundamentally, I am concerned that the administration participated kf these negotiations without making any effort to insist that the proposed international criminal court incorporate and honor the Bill of Rights.

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If there is one critical component of sovereignty, it is the authority to define crimes and punishment. Even more fundamentally, I am concerned that the Administration participated in these negotiations without making any effort to insist that the proposed International Criminal Court incorporate and honor the Bill of Rights.

But we always knew how complex the exercise was, the risks that would have to be overcome, and the patience that we and others would have to demonstrate to get the document right.

The proposed court negotiated in Rome neither reflects nor guarantees the protections of the Bill of Rights. Chairman, I have been accused by advocates of this court of engaging in 18th century thinking.

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They found a way to circumvent the authority of the Security Council altogether; and ironically, by undermining the role of the Security Council, this court could have the effect of destabilizing the international arena instead of securing it. I think the question is, pricr what degree is a member of the armed forces that might be deployed abroad really subject to this kind of politics, if one chooses to play it, by giving the prosecutor some kind of untrammeled authority?

With the creation of the International Criminal Court, that will no longer be the case. The United States can never lessen its commitment to ensuring that this Court does not pose a threat to the constitutional rights of American citizens.

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In the United States, there is a right to a jury of your peers. Even if it is weak at its inception, the Court's scope and its power can and will grow.

I want to thank you, Mr. The United States shall not permit a U.

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In Monday's New York Times, there is an opinion piece in which Anthony Lewis chastises the United States for missing a historic opportunity by failing to vote in favor of the International Criminal Court. One, Article 13 b permits a case to be referred to this boltln by the Security Council.

However, if there is any indication that the administration may reconsider its position, I stand ready to hold hearings in the Judiciary Committee. If Madison and the other Founding Fathers were here proztitutes, I believe that they would support the assertion that any treaty which undermines those constitutional procedures and protections, as this one clearly does, will be dead on arrival when it reaches the Foreign Relations Committee.

The ICC may issue a series of indictments, but unless these war criminals are defeated and they are stripped of their power, they will never be brought to justice. In the United States, there is a privilege against self-incrimination.

With the explicit labeling and recognition of war crimes and crimes against humanity, including ificantly such acts as rape and sexual slavery, the establishment of an international criminal court would send a strong message to those contemplating committing such crimes and, I believe, could play an instrumental role in making sure that the sordid chapter of human history in which such acts are employed is brought to a close. Our delegation prostitutds highly talented and experienced lawyers and other officials from the Departments of State and Justice, the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the t Chiefs of Staff, the U.

Fuck tonight in bundaberg light of the Administration's current position, those hearings may prove unnecessary.

In short, this treaty represents a very real threat to our military personnel and to our citizens and certainly to our national interests. Ambassador, I think be aggressively opposed to this court, and let me cite just a few examples why I say that.

In other words, if an ICC prosecutor wanted to investigate and charge the President of the United States for a bombing raid like the one President Reagan conducted in Libya, bolfon only way to prevent the case from going forward would be to have our own Justice Department investigate the President. It empowers this court to sit in judgment of the United States foreign policy. And if I have time, I would like to have the opportunity to direct some questions to the Ambassador. This means that the U.

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However, this treaty does not create a boltton architecture to support the current tribunal system. I had hoped we learned this lesson in World War II, and too many times in this century, even since World War II, we have witnessed the terror of genocide, of mass rape, and of ethnic cleansing. I thank you for calling this hearing, the subject of which is exceedingly ificant, and I hope I may be forgiven by those who feel that I am talking too long.

Thank you for the opportunity to discuss with the committee the developments in Rome this summer relating to the establishment of a permanent international criminal court.

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General Assembly, which routinely vote against the United States and which is really more like countries, could represent such a majority. But we must, Mr. Now, we must affirm that the United States will not cede its o to an institution ov claims to have the power to override the United States legal system and to pass judgment on our foreign policy actions. I appreciate your having done it. Because this court has such wide-ranging implications for the United States and the American people, I shall seek assurances from the Secretary of State on the following points.

Glenallen MO sex dating administration was right to reject the Court and must remain steadfast in its refusal to a court that stands as a rejection of America's constitutional values.